Kenan Malik wrote that Goodwin's argument that members of what he portrays as the "new elite", including Gary Lineker, Mehdi Hasan and Sam Freedman, shape people's lives more than figures such as Rishi Sunak or Andrew Bailey, the governor of the Bank of England "is, to put it politely, stretching credulity". [8] Similarly, Vladimir Bortun wrote that Goodwin "fails to demonstrate that the people occupying the most influential positions in British economic and political spheres share a “radically progressive” outlook." [9] Matthew D'Ancona asked "Are Hugh Grant and Emma Watson really running Britain into the ground?", arguing "Maybe it helps the populist right and their cheerleaders to believe such nonsense." [10] Malik asserted that it was plausible that "Goodwin himself shapes public debate more than most of the "new elite" to whom he points". [8] Sunder Katwala suggested that Goodwin employs evidence selectively and argued that "The wish to rebut one-dimensional caricatures of the Leave tribe is a valid one, but Goodwin is not above dishing out caricatures of the other half of the country all the same." [11] Archie Bland has written that when critics point out that those in positions of political power have actively pursued the type of "anti-woke" politics that Goodwin approves of, "Goodwin and his allies argue that these developments are all part of a rearguard action to defend traditional values against an agenda driven by a shadowy minority" and that disagreement with this view is portrayed as "simply proof of their original thesis: that the new elite is out of touch." [12] When the Commission on Race and Ethnic Disparities (Sewell Report) argued that structural racism didn't exist in the UK (a claim that was subject to extensive criticism), Goodwin claimed this "dismantles the woke mob’s central claim that we are living in a fundamentally racist society". [11] Books [ edit ] They lost touch with the values which are held by many people. The new minority elite have increasingly imposed their liberal cosmopolitan and progressive world view on the rest of the country and in doing so cut many other people adrift both economically and culturally from the new dominant world-view. As the new elite of university-educated minority in the big cities and university towns doubled down on these values, millions of others realised that their values are no longer recognised or respected by the people who now rule over them.

Daniel Lavelle spoke to people who have decided, or been forced, to live in caravans as rising rents and section 21 evictions make housing increasingly precarious for many. Nimo The party’s embrace of hyper-globalisation, a hangover from Thatcherism, mass immigration and the hollowing out of national democracy as power drifted away to distant institutions has chimed with the graduate minority but alienated a larger majority of non-graduates, workers and pensioners. Other disproportionate harms are reflected in statistics on suicide, family breakdown, depression and the abuse of drink and drugs. Cast aside by a new elite that promotes “alternate families” they are increasingly seeing single parent households. The elites meanwhile maintain secure family units, favouring marriage and similarly minded spouses. Matthew Goodwin". School of Politics and International Relations, University of Nottingham. Archived from the original on 15 July 2012.This working class used to see people like themselves in parliament, representing them from within their own communities; but now is there no

Reflections on the 'open letter' debate: a middle way to approaching the radical right?". openDemocracy . Retrieved 12 July 2023. In the UK the revolution began with Mrs Thatcher’s electoral victory in 1979 which began four deep sets of changes. Perhaps director Mia Hansen-Løve could have given us a heroine with more agency, and she relies a little too much on Léa Seydoux’s natural sardonic hauteur to protect her character from soppiness. But there is such a lovely chemistry between Seydoux and Greggory, and between her and Poupaud there is real erotic languor and romance. Peter Bradshaw Prashant, this is true, but needs the addition that these flows of Ideas are almost entirely from the West. The West basically created Philosophy and Psychology and individualism and Marx, existentialism, Feminism, and on and on.. a b Malik, Kenan (16 April 2023). "This obsession with a 'new elite' hides the real roots of power". The Observer . Retrieved 24 April 2023.

If the political right wishes to win a large share of votes from these people, it needs to emphasise issues relating to immigration and the culture wars - rather than make the mistake of Trussonomics in thinking that we can return to Thatcherism. While the author recognises that some of Mrs Thatcher's reforms were good and necessary, the key fault of Thatcherism is that it prioritises the market over the country, which, in turn, creates the conditions for greater globalization and feeds the demand for mass immigration. Figures such as Nigel Farage and Boris Johnson were able to appeal to this constituency by emphasising issues such as national sovereignty, limiting immigration, and levelling-up parts of the country outside of London.

People who study cults sometimes end up joining them. Has this fate befallen Matthew Goodwin, one of Britain’s most visible scholars of the hard right? Since the release of his debut monograph on Ukip, Revolt on the Right (2014), Goodwin has scaled the heights of academic stardom: a professorship at Kent, a fellowship at Chatham House, advisory roles with the UK government, regular media appearances and lucrative after-dinner speeches. Shot to prominence by the boom in “populism studies”, he has joined the crop of political scientists who counsel mainstream policymakers on defusing challenges from the margins. Yet, while mapping the contours of Farageism over the past decade, he has steadily mutated into an advocate for its most crankish tendencies.

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George Orwell famously stated that England is the only country ashamed of itself, sniggering at its own nation and institutions. Indeed CEO Kevin Craig wrote to The Economist admitting that they have all done a bad job of representing the disenfranchised working class and that as such the Brexit rebellion should come as no surprise.

Bloomfield, Jon. "Toxic Friends? A Critique of Blue Labour". The Political Quarterly . Retrieved 21 August 2023. Rice, Gavin (31 July 2022). "The daring buds of May". The Critic Magazine . Retrieved 21 August 2023. These tensions have been reinforced by the way the elite see some groups as less morally worthy or virtuous. Instead of bringing people together around unifying narratives the new elite are increasingly adopting a world-view that is hard-wired to push different groups apart. They are reshaping institutions around a divisive new ideology of radical woke progressivism that awards highly-educated liberals and racial, sexual and gender minorities a much greater sense of social status, honour and respect than other groups. This leaves many voters feeling that not only have their values been cast aside but that they and their wider group are now being shamed and stigmatised as a morally inferior under-class. In his new book, Values, Voice and Virtue: The New British Politics, Matthew Goodwin reflects a recent intensification of claims that a small group of cosmopolitan oppressors (you may know them as the wokerati) are imposing their view of the world on everybody else, and that this influence is more significant than that of our most electorally successful politicians, much of the media, and the interests of business.

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Liu’s portrait of the PMC is far more astringent and over-the-top than anything Goodwin has produced. Yet, it is also more realistic. Liu does not pretend that the virtue hoarders constitute a new ruling class. As a supporter of Bernie Sanders, what provokes her ire is that they stand in the way of real social change, having abandoned class politics for what she calls “performative transgression”. And where Goodwin argues that the “radical woke” capture of society lies at “the roots of today’s more turbulent politics”, Liu understands that the new elite is the product, not the cause, of political turbulence, the consequence of the evisceration of mass movements for social change.